Once the politics of religion, caste, sub-caste begins .. it is impossible to estimate and control how many divisions will take place.
In the pre-independence and post-independence period, Bihar has been working to break the deadlock and streamline politics. It could be Mahatma Gandhi’s Champaran Satyagraha or the entire post-emergency Jayaprakash revolutionary movement. Bihar, which displayed the audacity to block LK Advani’s rath yatra in the nineties, gave impetus to subsequent politics. The latest reason for the political history of Bihar is the all-party consensus reached by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar on the issue of Other Backward Classes (OBCs). Nitish Kumar is consistent in this regard. In August last year, Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar asked the Prime Minister to conduct a census of other backward classes. He was accompanied by leaders of ten other parties, including the BJP. With the exception of former chief minister Jeetan Ram Manjhi, who represents the Congress, RJD and the most backward sections, Nitish Kumar remained in the delegation. Nitish Kumar and others asked the government at the time how the decision on reserved seats would be taken if the details of backward tribes were not disclosed as the time for OBC census across the country was imminent. He stabilized it in the mountain state.
The significance of this event is unique in the current political context. The current controversy is over the ‘Central List’ amendment passed by the Center on 11 August 2018 regarding reservations. This 102nd Amendment added Article 338B to the Constitution and determined the powers of the National Commission for Backward Classes. Doing so would be a direct denial of the rights of the states in this matter by mentioning the ‘Central List’ of the backward classes. This danger was shown at its meetings of the Parliamentary Select Committee on 22 May and 3 June 2017. But the central government did not care. Moreover, the comment in Parliament at the time of enacting the bill on August 11, 2018 was ignored. Under the latest amendment, state governments can now compile a list of reservation-eligible backward castes in their respective areas. But there are limits to its use. Because of the Supreme Court judgment in the 1992 Indra Sahni case. Accordingly, the reservation rate should not exceed 50% of the available capacity. The Supreme Court also clarified in the same judgment that the limit may be exceeded in ‘certain exceptional’ circumstances. But nearly 30 states in the country have never “exceeded” this limit for political convenience by “fitting” their decisions.
Expert jurist Abhishek Manu Sanghvi presented the details in the Rajya Sabha last year. Accordingly, reservations are 80 per cent in Nagaland, 82 per cent in Chhattisgarh, 80 per cent in Mizoram, 73 per cent in Madhya Pradesh, 69 per cent in Tamil Nadu and 65 per cent in Maharashtra. All of these were called ‘extraordinary’. That said, there is no point in empowering the states to increase reservations no matter how unanimously the law is passed by Parliament. One is because the limit has already been exceeded, while the Supreme Court insists on a 50 percent limit. Accepting this fact, what about the new reservation guarantees? Truth be told they are just bola curry and bola rice. But the art of turning the impossible into the possible is politics. This is what is happening right now. Therefore, in order to give reservations to new social oppressed groups like Marathas, Patidars, Jats, etc., the number of elements of these ‘other backward classes’ must be calculated. In Maharashtra, people like Sharad Pawar have also openly demanded it. In fact, if most parties are ready to take this step, the BJP has no reason to oppose it. However, Union Home Affairs Minister Nithyananda Roy made it clear in Parliament last year that it was the government’s policy not to conduct a caste-wise census. He also expressed the government’s decision to conduct the census only for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. This stern statement, of course, raises the question. This is because, on the one hand, the government, which has amended the constitution in terms of reservations, brings into the reservation provisions a whole lot of unconstitutional stuff like financial regulations, on the other hand, it gives the states the right to determine backwardness and still does not. Calculate the other backwardness. While it is an automatic guilt for the government, now the government seems to be caught in that dilemma.
The reason for this is that once the other backward classes are counted and their population to population ratio is determined, the question arises as to whether that category has benefited from the reserved seats. I mean, he was also counted. If it turns out that there are no reserved seats according to the population proportion .. the sky may be the limit. Again, this can vary from state to state. This means that in some states there are population-wise reservations for other backward tribes, while in other states they have no reservations. I.e. turbulence in both places. But the benefit of reserved seats is not limited to the community. So it is social and it can only change the political story. At present, all Hindus and Muslims are being portrayed in the same perspective, but if this arrangement is successful, the issue of religion will come to the fore if other backward classes are to be considered. The idea of other political parties is not to want the BJP. Because if that happens then two aspects of caste in Hinduism will come to the fore and politics will have to change accordingly. But it can not be resisted. No party today has the strength to stand on the issue of reserved seats and reservations. So there is a double-edged sword for fear of being turned away from other backward tribes by open opposition and for fear that some of the current supporters will be harmed if the reserved seats are allowed to be counted. But there is no cure. Once the politics of religion, caste and sub-caste are given prominence it is impossible to estimate and control how many more divisions will take place. The Mandal Commission initiated this sedition. Gave it the commandal counter. The census of other backward classes is the third stage of post-command intrusion. It is not preventable. There is no substitute for being ready for a post-command count.